The Indomitable Mark Steyn Slaps The 'Retreat And Defeat' Crowd In The Face
This post is twofold; it allows me to post up some of the wisdom from Mark Steyn that bloggers have come to know and love, and it gives me the opportunity to highlight yet another KeeBee, and one I am growing quite fond of. That KeeBee member is Blue Crab Boulevard, and he pointed out that Mark Steyn did pen this outstanding piece yesterday:
One way to measure how the world has changed in these last five years is to consider the extraordinary address to his nation by General Musharraf on Sept. 19, 2001. Pakistan was one of just three countries in the world (along with "our friends the Saudis" and the United Arab Emirates) to recognize the Taliban -- and, given that the Pakistanis had helped create and maintain them, they were pretty easy to recognize. President Bush, you'll recall, had declared that you're either with us or you're with the terrorists -- which posed a particular problem for Musharraf: He was with us but everyone else in his country was with the terrorists, including his armed forces, his intelligence services, the media, and a gazillion and one crazy imams.
Nonetheless, with American action against Afghanistan on the horizon, he went on TV that night and told the Pakistani people that this was the gravest threat to the country's existence in over 30 years. He added that he was doing everything to ensure his brothers in the Taliban didn't "suffer," and that he'd asked Washington to provide some evidence that this bin Laden chap had anything to do with the attacks but that so far they'd declined to show him any. Then he cited the Charter of Medina (which the Prophet Muhammad signed after an earlier spot of bother) as an attempt to justify providing assistance to the infidel, and said he'd had no choice but to offer the Americans use of Pakistan's airspace, intelligence networks and other logistical support.
He paused for applause, and after the world's all-time record volume of crickets chirping, said thank you and goodnight.
That must have been quite the phone call he'd got from Washington a day or two earlier. And all within a week of Sept. 11. You may remember during the 2000 campaign an enterprising journalist sprung on Gov. Bush a sudden pop quiz of world leaders. Bush, invited to name the leader of Pakistan, was unable to. But so what? In the third week of September 2001, the correct answer to "Who's General Musharraf?" was "Whoever I want him to be." And, if Musharraf didn't want to play ball, he'd wind up as the answer to "Who was leader of Pakistan until last week?"
Do you get the feeling Washington's not making phone calls like that anymore?
If you go back to September 2001, it's amazing how much the administration made happen in just a short space of time: For example, within days it had secured agreement with the Russians on using military bases in former Soviet Central Asia for intervention in Afghanistan. That, too, must have been quite a phone call. Moscow surely knew that any successful Afghan expedition would only cast their own failures there in an even worse light -- especially if the Americans did it out of the Russians' old bases. And yet it happened.
Five years on, the United States seems to be back in the quagmire of perpetual interminable U.N.-brokered EU-led multilateral dithering, on Iran and much else. The administration that turned Musharraf in nothing flat now offers carrots to Ahmadinejad. After the Taliban fell, the region's autocrats and dictators wondered: Who's next? Now they figure it's a pretty safe bet that nobody is.
What's the difference between September 2001 and now? It's not that anyone "liked" America or that, as the Democrats like to suggest, the country had the world's "sympathy.'' Pakistani generals and the Kremlin don't cave to your demands because they "sympathize.'' They go along because you've succeeded in impressing upon them that they've no choice. Musharraf and Co. weren't scared by America's power but by the fact that America, in the rubble of 9/11, had belatedly found the will to use that power. It is notionally at least as powerful today, but in terms of will we're back to Sept. 10: Nobody thinks America is prepared to use its power. And so Nasrallah and Ahmadinejad and wannabe "strong horses" like Baby Assad cock their snooks with impunity.
I happened to be in the Australian Parliament for Question Time last week. The matter of Iraq came up, and the foreign minister, Alexander Downer, thwacked the subject across the floor and over the opposition benches in a magnificent bravura display of political confidence culminating with the gleefully low jibe that "the Leader of the Opposition's constant companion is the white flag.'' The Iraq war is unpopular in Australia, as it is in America and in Britain. But the Aussie government is happy for the opposition to bring up the subject as often as they want because Downer and his prime minister understand very clearly that wanting to "cut and run" is even more unpopular. So in the broader narrative it's a political plus for them: Unlike Bush and Blair, they've succeeded in making the issue not whether the nation should have gone to war but whether the nation should lose the war.
That's not just good politics, but it's actually the heart of the question. Of course, if Bush sneered that John Kerry and Ted Kennedy and Howard Dean and Nancy Pelosi's constant companion is the white flag, they'd huff about how dare he question their patriotism. But, if you can't question their patriotism when they want to lose a war, when can you? At one level, the issue is the same as it was on Sept. 11: American will and national purpose. But the reality is that it's worse than that -- for (as Israel is also learning) to begin something and be unable to stick with it to the finish is far more damaging to your reputation than if you'd never begun it in the first place. Nitwit Democrats think anything that can be passed off as a failure in Iraq will somehow diminish only Bush and the neocons. In reality -- a concept with which Democrats seem only dimly acquainted -- it would diminish the nation, and all but certainly end the American moment. In late September 2001 the administration succeeded in teaching a critical lesson to tough hombres like Musharraf and Putin: In a scary world, America can be scarier. But it's all a long time ago now.
As always, Mark hits the nail on the head. It is glaringly obvious that we have not necessarily slipped back into the September 10th mindset, but rather we are losing the will to continue. Whether this is the fault of the administration, the antiwar nut-cases, or the Democrats constant whining and interference is moot: We are no longer sitting on a 'war-footing.' We have allowed the PC crowd to push its way into this debate, into this war, and it is slowly killing the resolve we had after September 11th. Unfortunately, unless something changes within the administration to ignore these critics--including the extreme Left fringe of the Democrat party in Congress--only another sort of 9/11 attack is going to wake us up out of our PC-driven nightmare.
War cannot be conducted in the way the nuts claim. We can not be nice. We can take no mercy on our enemies. Wars are won by the side who is willing to go further than their enemy. It happened in World War II when we dropped the atomic bombs on Japan. And the Allies showed their full mettle to Adolf Hitler--in spades. But there are no more "great wars" for the world to fight. Not with a meddling United Nations, fully backed by their PC cohorts around the globe.
Europe is a prime example of political-correctness run amuck. Today, Charles Johnson highlights a story from the New York Times: "British Law Against Glorifying Terrorism Has Not Silenced Calls to Kill for Islam." The French riots in 2005, executed by Muslim youths, is another example of how Europe would rather sweep the whole notion of standing against the Islamofascists under the rug. Those riots were followed up by calls from the Muslim population in certain areas of France to abide by sharia law, rather than the laws enacted by the leaders and politicians of France. And, on August 15th, Charles Johnson pointed out a story where Muslims in Britain are demanding the same thing.
To my knowledge, no European nation has capitulated to such demands, but it doesnot change the fact that Muslims living in Western nations are demanding this change. Simply put, the world needs to wake up, and understand that the United States did not start this war. this war was not begun with the intent of expanding any sort of imerialistic goals. It was not a war for oil. It was a war that has been a long time coming where the West is fighting against the radical elements of a Seventh Century belief that all should bow before Mohammed's teachings, and abide by his laws. This war has been brewing since 1979 when radical Islam reared its ugly head as a nation state in Iran. And if we fail, then the world will soon fall to these fascists.
Make no mistake: This strain of Islam is as virulent as the fascism proclaimed by Adolf Hitler, and other despots of the past. To maintain freedom for the world, the world must stand up and fight. And if a few PC weenies get their feelings hurt in the process oh well. Frankly speaking, I could care less about those people and their precious sensibilities. The sort of people who want us to stop our war think that they can negotiate with these animals. Animals react from instinct--whether within nature, or driven by teachings--and instinct refuses to negotiate. Or it will negotiate in bad faith. Either way, these people cannot be trusted and must be destroyed. That is the goal of our war, and many people understand this. But, there are many more who do not; many that refuse to believe this sad fact. Those people would rather link arms and sing kumbayah.
Funny, that notion. It is extremely difficult to sing when you have been beheaded because you are an infidel, and that is regardless of your "peaceful" beliefs.
Marcie
This post is twofold; it allows me to post up some of the wisdom from Mark Steyn that bloggers have come to know and love, and it gives me the opportunity to highlight yet another KeeBee, and one I am growing quite fond of. That KeeBee member is Blue Crab Boulevard, and he pointed out that Mark Steyn did pen this outstanding piece yesterday:
One way to measure how the world has changed in these last five years is to consider the extraordinary address to his nation by General Musharraf on Sept. 19, 2001. Pakistan was one of just three countries in the world (along with "our friends the Saudis" and the United Arab Emirates) to recognize the Taliban -- and, given that the Pakistanis had helped create and maintain them, they were pretty easy to recognize. President Bush, you'll recall, had declared that you're either with us or you're with the terrorists -- which posed a particular problem for Musharraf: He was with us but everyone else in his country was with the terrorists, including his armed forces, his intelligence services, the media, and a gazillion and one crazy imams.
Nonetheless, with American action against Afghanistan on the horizon, he went on TV that night and told the Pakistani people that this was the gravest threat to the country's existence in over 30 years. He added that he was doing everything to ensure his brothers in the Taliban didn't "suffer," and that he'd asked Washington to provide some evidence that this bin Laden chap had anything to do with the attacks but that so far they'd declined to show him any. Then he cited the Charter of Medina (which the Prophet Muhammad signed after an earlier spot of bother) as an attempt to justify providing assistance to the infidel, and said he'd had no choice but to offer the Americans use of Pakistan's airspace, intelligence networks and other logistical support.
He paused for applause, and after the world's all-time record volume of crickets chirping, said thank you and goodnight.
That must have been quite the phone call he'd got from Washington a day or two earlier. And all within a week of Sept. 11. You may remember during the 2000 campaign an enterprising journalist sprung on Gov. Bush a sudden pop quiz of world leaders. Bush, invited to name the leader of Pakistan, was unable to. But so what? In the third week of September 2001, the correct answer to "Who's General Musharraf?" was "Whoever I want him to be." And, if Musharraf didn't want to play ball, he'd wind up as the answer to "Who was leader of Pakistan until last week?"
Do you get the feeling Washington's not making phone calls like that anymore?
If you go back to September 2001, it's amazing how much the administration made happen in just a short space of time: For example, within days it had secured agreement with the Russians on using military bases in former Soviet Central Asia for intervention in Afghanistan. That, too, must have been quite a phone call. Moscow surely knew that any successful Afghan expedition would only cast their own failures there in an even worse light -- especially if the Americans did it out of the Russians' old bases. And yet it happened.
Five years on, the United States seems to be back in the quagmire of perpetual interminable U.N.-brokered EU-led multilateral dithering, on Iran and much else. The administration that turned Musharraf in nothing flat now offers carrots to Ahmadinejad. After the Taliban fell, the region's autocrats and dictators wondered: Who's next? Now they figure it's a pretty safe bet that nobody is.
What's the difference between September 2001 and now? It's not that anyone "liked" America or that, as the Democrats like to suggest, the country had the world's "sympathy.'' Pakistani generals and the Kremlin don't cave to your demands because they "sympathize.'' They go along because you've succeeded in impressing upon them that they've no choice. Musharraf and Co. weren't scared by America's power but by the fact that America, in the rubble of 9/11, had belatedly found the will to use that power. It is notionally at least as powerful today, but in terms of will we're back to Sept. 10: Nobody thinks America is prepared to use its power. And so Nasrallah and Ahmadinejad and wannabe "strong horses" like Baby Assad cock their snooks with impunity.
I happened to be in the Australian Parliament for Question Time last week. The matter of Iraq came up, and the foreign minister, Alexander Downer, thwacked the subject across the floor and over the opposition benches in a magnificent bravura display of political confidence culminating with the gleefully low jibe that "the Leader of the Opposition's constant companion is the white flag.'' The Iraq war is unpopular in Australia, as it is in America and in Britain. But the Aussie government is happy for the opposition to bring up the subject as often as they want because Downer and his prime minister understand very clearly that wanting to "cut and run" is even more unpopular. So in the broader narrative it's a political plus for them: Unlike Bush and Blair, they've succeeded in making the issue not whether the nation should have gone to war but whether the nation should lose the war.
That's not just good politics, but it's actually the heart of the question. Of course, if Bush sneered that John Kerry and Ted Kennedy and Howard Dean and Nancy Pelosi's constant companion is the white flag, they'd huff about how dare he question their patriotism. But, if you can't question their patriotism when they want to lose a war, when can you? At one level, the issue is the same as it was on Sept. 11: American will and national purpose. But the reality is that it's worse than that -- for (as Israel is also learning) to begin something and be unable to stick with it to the finish is far more damaging to your reputation than if you'd never begun it in the first place. Nitwit Democrats think anything that can be passed off as a failure in Iraq will somehow diminish only Bush and the neocons. In reality -- a concept with which Democrats seem only dimly acquainted -- it would diminish the nation, and all but certainly end the American moment. In late September 2001 the administration succeeded in teaching a critical lesson to tough hombres like Musharraf and Putin: In a scary world, America can be scarier. But it's all a long time ago now.
As always, Mark hits the nail on the head. It is glaringly obvious that we have not necessarily slipped back into the September 10th mindset, but rather we are losing the will to continue. Whether this is the fault of the administration, the antiwar nut-cases, or the Democrats constant whining and interference is moot: We are no longer sitting on a 'war-footing.' We have allowed the PC crowd to push its way into this debate, into this war, and it is slowly killing the resolve we had after September 11th. Unfortunately, unless something changes within the administration to ignore these critics--including the extreme Left fringe of the Democrat party in Congress--only another sort of 9/11 attack is going to wake us up out of our PC-driven nightmare.
War cannot be conducted in the way the nuts claim. We can not be nice. We can take no mercy on our enemies. Wars are won by the side who is willing to go further than their enemy. It happened in World War II when we dropped the atomic bombs on Japan. And the Allies showed their full mettle to Adolf Hitler--in spades. But there are no more "great wars" for the world to fight. Not with a meddling United Nations, fully backed by their PC cohorts around the globe.
Europe is a prime example of political-correctness run amuck. Today, Charles Johnson highlights a story from the New York Times: "British Law Against Glorifying Terrorism Has Not Silenced Calls to Kill for Islam." The French riots in 2005, executed by Muslim youths, is another example of how Europe would rather sweep the whole notion of standing against the Islamofascists under the rug. Those riots were followed up by calls from the Muslim population in certain areas of France to abide by sharia law, rather than the laws enacted by the leaders and politicians of France. And, on August 15th, Charles Johnson pointed out a story where Muslims in Britain are demanding the same thing.
To my knowledge, no European nation has capitulated to such demands, but it doesnot change the fact that Muslims living in Western nations are demanding this change. Simply put, the world needs to wake up, and understand that the United States did not start this war. this war was not begun with the intent of expanding any sort of imerialistic goals. It was not a war for oil. It was a war that has been a long time coming where the West is fighting against the radical elements of a Seventh Century belief that all should bow before Mohammed's teachings, and abide by his laws. This war has been brewing since 1979 when radical Islam reared its ugly head as a nation state in Iran. And if we fail, then the world will soon fall to these fascists.
Make no mistake: This strain of Islam is as virulent as the fascism proclaimed by Adolf Hitler, and other despots of the past. To maintain freedom for the world, the world must stand up and fight. And if a few PC weenies get their feelings hurt in the process oh well. Frankly speaking, I could care less about those people and their precious sensibilities. The sort of people who want us to stop our war think that they can negotiate with these animals. Animals react from instinct--whether within nature, or driven by teachings--and instinct refuses to negotiate. Or it will negotiate in bad faith. Either way, these people cannot be trusted and must be destroyed. That is the goal of our war, and many people understand this. But, there are many more who do not; many that refuse to believe this sad fact. Those people would rather link arms and sing kumbayah.
Funny, that notion. It is extremely difficult to sing when you have been beheaded because you are an infidel, and that is regardless of your "peaceful" beliefs.
Marcie
posted by Syd And Vaughn | 1:09 PM
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